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 Letter from Riga:Cold Light Is Cast On Dark History Of a Baltic NationBy Libby Garland 
    The end of November is the
    coldest, darkest time of the year in Riga, Latvia. Gone are the outdoor cafes and 11 p.m.
    sunlight of my last visit in June. Instead, two soldiers in camouflage uniforms blow on
    their frozen hands as they patrol the newly restored Freedom Monument  "For
    Fatherland and Freedom"  that was erected where a statue of Peter the Great
    once stood. But the chill in the air is
    matched by the warmth of the reception that I receive by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    On my previous, and first, visit to Latvia, I came to see a German friend give a klezmer
    concert at an international gathering of Latvian Holocaust survivors. The article I wrote
    about the event for the Forward caught the eye of someone in the Latvian government; the
    Ministry arranged for me to return , to attend a conference, "The Issues of the
    Research into the Holocaust," and see a small exhibit on Latvian Jewish history. At Riga's petite new airport,
    I am met by a tall, solemn driver from the Ministry, who ferries me in his black Volvo to
    my hotel, a restored 15th-century convent that now houses visiting diplomats and
    businessmen. Inside the entrance stands a sign, the kind with movable white letters:
    "Welcome Mrs Garland from USA." The Ministry staff even provides tickets to
    "Carmen," sung in Latvian at the imposing National Opera, which
    was founded during Latvia's first independence. The warm welcome reflects the
    fact that Latvia, population 2.4 million, is often bypassed by the international media
    (notwithstanding the November incident in which a teenage girl protesting the war in
    Afghanistan slapped Prince Charles with a carnation after he visited the Freedom
    Monument). The government, however, would like to smooth its path into the European Union
    and NATO by showing the world that its 10-year makeover from former Soviet republic into
    modern Western European democracy has been successful. But to do this, it must prove
    that it has come to grips with the country's tangled past. November is a month of two
    anniversaries in Latvia, one celebratory, the other grim. In November 1918, Latvia
    declared its first, short-lived independence. In November 1941, the Nazis marched
    thousands of Latvian Jews into the nearby forest of Rumbala and shot them en masse. The
    conference that the Ministry has arranged for me to attend is dedicated to the 60th
    anniversary of the Rumbala shootings. The bloody history of the
    Holocaust here, buried during the Soviet era, is just beginning to be exhumed. Only 1,000
    of Latvia's 90,000 Jews survived. Approximately 75% of Latvian Jewish Holocaust victims
    remain unidentified, according to Professor Ruven Ferber, director of Latvia University's
    new Center for Judaic Studies, which is co-sponsoring the conference. "The Wallenberg of our
    age," he tells me, referring to the Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg who rescued
    scores of Jews from the Nazis, "will be a patient researcher going through thousands
    of files to save these victims' names." But Latvia's dilemmas are not
    just about memorializing the past. "History has left some problems for us,"
    concedes Janis Kahanovics, Deputy Head of the Latvian Naturalization Board, the government
    agency that implements Latvia's citizenship laws. Latvia is home to a
    multiethnic, multilingual population that includes Latvians, Russians, Ukrainians,
    Belorussians, Poles and Jews. The fierce crosscurrents of the 20th century  wars,
    occupations and independence movements  have kept changing the rules governing who
    is enfranchised and who is expelled, who is permitted to speak his native language in
    public and who is not, and, sometimes, who lives and who dies. In 1994, the fledgling
    Latvian Parliament decided that the only people to be granted automatic citizenship in
    addition to ethnic Latvians were "historical minorities," meaning those who
    resided in Latvia before the Soviet occupation of June 1940, and their descendants. The third of the population
    not considered "historical," mostly Russians who migrated to Latvia during the
    postwar Soviet era, was barred from national belonging. Since 1994, the government has
    liberalized naturalization requirements and worked toward creating a more integrated
    society. Even so, a quarter of the population remains non-citizens, including almost 4,000
    of Latvia's 10,000 Jews. In diplomatic circles, Latvia has been criticized on this score,
    especially by Russia. In this charged political
    climate, the history of the Holocaust raises particularly painful questions about Latvia's
    track record with ethnic minorities. To what extent did Latvian patriots collaborate in
    the Nazi persecution of Jews? How deep does anti-Semitism run here? Does the persecution
    of Latvians under the Soviets compare to Jewish victimization by the Nazis? The conference has an
    atmosphere of gravity. It is held in the central auditorium of Latvia University, founded,
    like the National Opera, during the nation's first independence. The speakers, Latvians
    and foreign guests alike, are formal and serious. The history presented here is a
    combination of detective work and a kind of scholarly census-taking. Who was shot? Where
    and when were they shot? By whom? And who was deported where? Translators seated in little
    soundproof boxes render speakers' words into English and Russian for the audience, and a
    multilingual hum emanates from the headphones around the room. During a break in the
    conference, I meet with Armands Gutmanis, Deputy State Secretary at the Ministry of
    Foreign Affairs. Regarding me through stylish glasses, radiating intellectual
    thoughtfulness, he speaks about his commitment to seeing Latvia confront its Holocaust-era
    history. He tells me about Latvia's Historians' Commission, which is co-sponsoring the
    conference, and which he has played a crucial role in assembling. Established in 1998 and
    comprised of 12 Latvian and 12 foreign members, the Commission is charged with fostering
    research about both Nazi- and Soviet-era crimes against humanity. These historical
    parameters have proven controversial, even making for minor diplomatic incidents. Russia,
    unwilling to define Soviet rule as "occupation," Mr. Gutmanis tells me, balked
    at participating. Israel, meanwhile, objected to considering Soviet and Nazi occupation
    under the same conceptual umbrella. Nevertheless, the work continues. Mr. Gutmanis also had a hand
    in creating the historical exhibit "Latvia's Jewish Community: History, Tragedy,
    Revival," which I peruse when I return to the conference. Mounted on 20 beautifully
    designed panels displayed in the conference auditorium, the exhibit makes it clear that
    Latvian Jewish history is about more than the Holocaust. Photographs and documents give a
    kaleidoscopic sense of the bustling Jewish culture and economy that flourished here. But
    even this rich record of Jewish life is, like Latvia's recent history, a story of wartime
    losses and reclamation. Some of the exhibit's contents come from the extensive holdings of
    the Latvian state archives, which were spirited away to Moscow when the Nazis marched in
    and were returned intact to Riga after the war. Indeed, despite all the
    newness that marks at least the wealthier segments of Riga as an up-and-coming West
    European capital  the tasteful renovations in government buildings, the Internet
    cafés and cell phones, the teen fashions that could come straight from the streets of
    Manhattan  sometimes it seems like the weight of history is inescapable here. The Saturday after the
    conference, I discover a small cabaret around the corner from my hotel. It is called
    "Austrumu Robeza," meaning "Eastern Border." The theme is Retro Bunker
    Kitsch: The ceilings are done in camouflage colors, and busts of 20th-century dictators
    gaze out of niches in the wall. The audience is young, hip and Russian-speaking. The show
    this evening: three young women performing Soviet tunes interspersed with comic routines
    in what I gather is a mix of satire and nostalgia. My entry ticket features a graphic of a
    swastika and sickle inside a red star; my coat-check tag is a bullet casing on a metal
    ring. As I walk back to my hotel
    after the show, I realize that something about the juxtaposition of conference and cabaret
    appeals to me. It strikes me, on the whole, as a good sign that however saturated Riga is
    with its troubled past, there is room for dark humor as well as solemnity.    To view other articles by Libby Garland, click here. To join the conversation at Politics and Policy Talk, click here.To access the Politics and Policy Archive, click here.To receive the Politics and Policy column by email on a regular basis, complete the box below: | 
  
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